lE 286 

.n64 

1857 
I Copy 1 




AN ADDRESS 



BEr.ivKUtn BKioPi iiit 






II 



YOLUITEER ENCAMPMENT 



A,\D A LARGE CO>r(OUlt:il<; OK CITIZENS. 



AT THE CAPITOL, IN MILLEDG EVILLE, 



m THE 4T11 UF JULY. 1857, 




BY HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, 



— ©oe— 



FEDERAL UNION P O W £ B P R £ s « 

MILLEDGEVILr.E, GEORGIA, 

1857. 





Glass. 
Book 






AN ADDRESS 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



yOLU?(TEER ENCAMPMENT, 



AND A LARGE CONCOURSE OF CITIZENS, 

ttr 



AT THE CAPITOL, IN MILLEDGEVILLE, 



ON THE 4TH OF JULY, 1857, 



I BY HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, 



— QQO— 



FBDERAIi UNIOIV P O W E K PBB8S, 

MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, 

1857. -^ 



COERESPONDENCB. 



! ^ 5 7 



Encampment of the Tolunteers of €eorgia, at milkdj^cTille, 

July 4th, 1857. 

His Excellency Herschel V. Johnson, 

Governor of Georgia, &c., 

Sir : At a meeting of the Commanding Officers of the Volunteer Compa- 
nies of the State, assembled at their Encampment at Milledgeville, the follow- 
ing resolution was passed, which we have the honor, as a Committee appointed 
for that purpose, to communicate to you. 

^^Rcsolved, That we tender to his Excellency Governor H. V. Johnson our 
thanks for the able and appropriate address delivered by him this day to the 
Volunteer Companies under our command, and that a copy of the same be re- 
quested for publication." 

Very Eespectfully, 

E. A. SMITH, 
Commanding the Macon Volunteers. 

F. S. BARTOW, 
Commanding the Oglethorge Light Infantry. 

T. B. McCONNELL, 
Commandante of the Cadets of the Georgia Military Institute. 



EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, ? 

Milledgeville, Ga., July 9th, 1857. 3 

Gentlemen : 

Pressing engagements have prevented an earlier reply to yours of the 4th 
iust., in behalf of the Volunteer Encampment, requesting a copy of my Ad- 
dress for publication. 

It was prepared in great haste and under unfavorable circumstances. 
Hence, I yield to the request, with reluctance 

The occasion, however, was novel, in Georgia, and the public will doubt- 
less be curious to know all that transpired. It is proper that they should be 
gratified. 

If the Address should have the effect, t^ awaken attention to the importance 
of the topics it discusses, I shall feel tlia^ the criticism to which it may justly 
be liable, is a small price for so valuable a result. 
With great respect, 

Gentlemen, 

Your ob't serv't, 

HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. 

Capts. K. A. Smith, i 

F. S. Bartow, > Committee. 

T. B. McCONNELL, ) 



SOLDIEBS OF THE VOLUNTEER ENCAMPMENT: 

The promptness with which you have responded to the call, t® 
meet in encampment, is as honorable to yourselves as it is com- 
plimentary to the movement. It argues a proper appreciation 
of the military spirit, and gives assurance, that the gallantry of 
our revolutionary sires animates their sons. 

Of course, such a collection of the volunteer corps of the 
State Gaust present the appearance of display, which the time 
and place conspire to augment. You have, be«n convened on 
the 4th of July, in order, that the reminiscences which it awakens 
may fire our patriotism and love of liberty. You have b-een con- 
vened at your State capital, in order that the influence, it is in- 
tended to produce, may radiat-e from the centre and extend 
throughout our entire limits. 

But the object of this convocation is not mere display. It is 
to bring the volunteers of the State into contact, that thev may 
cultivate relations of friendship, witaess each other's skill in the 
military art and thus cherish that spirit of chivalry, so much 
needed in Georgia, and so essential to the preservation of liberty. 

There are three great securities of popular rights, under our 
peculiar form of government: the ballot-box, the jury-box and, 
the cartridge-box. To the first two, I shall allude in another 
part of this address. It is appropriate now to invite special at- 
tention to the necessity of a well organized militia, in a govern- 
ment like ours. This was seen and felt by its founders, and par- 
ticularly dwelt upon by the Father of his Country, in his Fare- 
well Address. 

If we look back to our revolutionary war, we find that the Col- 
onies had no standing army.; that they relied upon the virtue, pa- 
triotism, fortitude and courage of a citizen soldiery. The o-ov- 
ernment under which we live, is the fruit of their success. If 
we examine the annals of history, I believe not a single exam- 
ple can be found, where popular liberty and a large standing 
army have flourished together. Hence, the demonstration is 
complete that, a citizen soldiery, trained to domestic virtues, in 
time of peace, and enamored of liberty, by the blessings it con- 
fers, may be safely relied upon, as the best protection against in- 
vasion, from without and insurrection, within. 

Far distant be the day, when it shall be necessary for us to re- 



4 
sort to war, in defence of our republican institutions. But can 
it be expected never to come? Can we hope, against tbe expe- 
rience of all ages and nations, to be always exempted from the 
necessity to draw the sword 1 In a country so vast, with inter- 
ests so conflicting, and the social institutions of one section, so 
different from those of another, is it possible, to enjoy uninter- 
rupted tranquality ? Such anticipations are too happy to he re- 
alized. We may not dispense with the " eternal vigilance " 
*which "is the price of liberty," nor neglect, with impunity, " in 
time of peace to prepare for war." In a word, though it should 
never become necessary, yet it is the lesson of patriotism and 
wisdom, since the necessity may arise, to hold ourselves both 
ready and willing to light for our rights. 

But we have no standing army. It is hostile to the genius 
and spirit of our government. How then shall we defend our- 
selves against foes, either external or internal 1 We must trust 
to the militia. 

But we are an agricultural, laboring, peaceful people. The 
great majority have not the time to study and practice the use of 
arms. Still organization and discipline are indispensable. How 
are these to be obtained ? Experience has shown, that our State 
Militia system is totally deficient; respected by few and scarcely 
obeyed by any. Cast your eyes over our State ; you hardly 
find a single district that is fully officered. It is rare to witness 
a general muster. Our people are unarmed ; they are totally 
unprepared for an emergency The evil is too serious to be 
borne ; our welfare and safety require its correction. What then 
is the remedy ? 

It is indispensable to have a sufficiency of men, with military 
education to officer our militia. We have made one step towards 
it, by the establishment of the Georgia Military Institute. This 
school is destined to graduate annually, a corps of men qualified 
to discharge all the duties of the soldier and citizen. As a 
Georgian, I feel the deepest interest in its success, and I am 
proud to welcome its Cadets and Academic staff to our Volun- 
teer encampment. 

Something like organization must be secured. Nothing, in my 
judgment, would contribute so much to this, as the establishment 
of, at least, one volunteer corps , in every county in the State. 
This, of itself, would constitute a force of seven thousand men, 
ready to obey the summons to arms, who, by their skill and dis- 
cipline, would form the nucleus of an army equal to any emer- 
gency. I would therefore encourage the formation of such com- 



5 

panies all over the State. It can be done efFectually by a very 
simple stroke of legislation. Let a law be enacted, exempting 
every citizen from militia duty, for life, except in case of war, 
who shall have served a specified number of years, in a volunteer 
company. This Avould not only lead to their organization, but, 
in a very short period, it would produce a strong force of retired, 
but practiced men, to do battle for their country, in the hour of 
necessity. In addition, tlie legislature would give efficient en- 
couragement to the formation of volunteer companies, by fixing 
a small annual commutation tax, in lieu of military duty, at the 
option of the citizen who might prefer to be relieved entirely of 
duty, in time of peace. This would raise a handsome military 
fund which might be used in the procurement of arms and equip- 
ments. 

We are lamentably deficient in ai-ms. The militia force of 
Georgia cannot be less than seventy thousand, legally liable to 
service. What proportion of these have arms .? If we except 
the volunteer companies, the proportion is absolutely inapprecia- 
ble. The annual quota received by Georgia, under the act of 
Congress, for arming the militia of the United States, is inade- 
quate, even for the supply of volunteers. It is in vain to rely 
upon that. But the Legislature, with a small expenditure — tri- 
fling indeed, compared with the object to be obtained — may sup- 
ply the deficiency, by founding an Armory, for the manufacture 
of arms and munitions of war. Experience has shown, that, in 
other States, where such works have been erected, they have, at 
least, sustained themselves, without being a charge upon the pxib- 
lic treasury, beyond the outlay for their first establishment. 

I will not pause to elaborate these suggestions. They will 
commend themselves to reflecting men, who feel a deep interest, 
in seeing Georgia placed on a footing for self-defence and self- 
preservation. In the exhibition this day presented, we have the 
assurance, that the revival of a proper military spirit, strikes the 
public mind, as a work of necessity. Else why this vast con- 
course of mature manhood and female beauty 1 Is it merely to 
witness an idle pageant ? No. They have assembled. Soldiers, 
to compliment yoiir chivalry, to encourage this movement by 
their presence, and to testify their approval of whatever looks 
to the honor and welfare- of our beloved State. They will not 
be disappointed, either in the interest of the occasion, or the sal- 
utary influence it Avill produce. 

Having made these random reflections, it only remains for me 
to extend to you a cordial greeting, and bid you welcome to the 
humble hospitality prepared for you. 



6 

Fellow Citizexs : — Little more tlian a hundred years aga, 
Georgia was a wilderness. Civilization, with timid tread, crept 
like a fawn, along her e'xtreme eastern border. In 1803, it had 
reached only to the Oconee ; and within the memory of many 
now present, the place we occupy was then the wild forest home 
of the more wild and treacherous Indian. Nor was this his last 
resting place, within the limits of the State. Treaty after treaty, 
from 1803 to 1S3G, extinguished, by piecemeal. Lis title to the 
soil, and gave margin for the expanding circle of civilization. 
What a mighty history is crowded into this period of a hundred 
years ! I speak not of the history of the whole country, but of 
the annals that record the grogress of Georgia. What was 
she then; what is she now ? From weakness, she has grown to 
strength. At first, the twig bending before the breeze ; now the 
majestic oak, striking deep its roots and lifting its mighty arms 
to Heaven, to welcome the sunshine and defy the storm. 

The history of the world affords no parallel to her rapid growth, 
in civilization and power. We revert to Greece and Rome and 
dwell, with enthusiasm, upon the genius of their poets, philoso- 
phers, statesmen and warriors. We praise their arts and 
sciences, and we often lapse into admiration of their govern- 
ments, their laws and their liberty. But Greece was a thousand 
years old, before she reached a point, to make her conspicuous ia 
History, and at the age of five hundred years, Home was inferior 
to Georgia, in all the attributes of a powerful and prosperous 
State. Great Britain is the illustrious model of civilization, in 
modern times. But she is more than ten centuries old. 

It is pleasant to contemplate the past progi-ess, present pro-s- 
perity and future prospect of Georgia. If time permitted, it 
would be instructive to recount the virtues of her great men, 
who, having adorned her escutcheon, now sleep with their fathers. 
The names of Oglethorpe and Habersham j Bulloch and Gwin- 
nett ; Houston and Walton ; Hall and Elbert ; Telfair and Ir- 
win ; Jackson and Tatnall ; Milledge and Farly ; Rabun and 
Talbot ; Clark, Troup and Forsyth, all demand the tribute of 
grateful remembrance. The resting places of some of them are 
not even marked by monumental stone. But the State itself is 
their monument, rising and expanding in grandeur and magnifi- 
cence, as each generation of their successors place upon the tow- 
ering pyramid the trophies of their intelligence and enterprise. 

Georgia now contains a population of more than one million 
souls. Her taxable wealth is nearly six hundred millions of 
dollars. Her agriculture yields annually, fifty millions. Her 



7 
surface is checkered with more thau a thousand miles of Rail- 
road, facilitating commerce and travel and inviting tribute from 
the valley of the Mississippi, from California and from the Is- 
lands of the Pacific. Her career resembles the marvelousness 
of romance ; the future promises more than imagiuiation can 
conceive. Who then, is not proud that he is a Georgian? Whose 
heart is so cold, that it does not throb with a quicker pulse, at 
the mention of her name 1 Who, that Avill not consecrate to her 
advancement and glory his noblest energies ? Who will not re- 
spond to the sentiment of the sacred poet, and adopt the lan- 
guage of his harmonious verse 1 

"If e'er this heart forget, 

Her welfare or her wo ; 
Let every joy this heart forsake 

And every grief o'erflow. 
For her, my tears shall fall, 

For her, my prayers ascend ; 
To her, my toils and cares be giv'n 

'Till toils and cares shall end." 

But Q-eorgia is emphatically e pluiihus unum — but one of 
thirty-one confederated States, each resembling her, in prosper- 
ity and power. Thus multiplied by thirty-one, what a magnifi- 
cent picture, for contemplation, does our Republic present ! 
What a territory — stretching from Ocean to Ocean !* How diver- 
sified ! How prolific of all that is needful to supply human want 
or to gratify luxurious taste ! How majestic its mighty rivers, 
the highways of commerce ! How grand its mountain ranges, 
abounding with inexhaustible mines of mineral wealth ! But what 
is all this, compared with the thrift, energy and enterprise of the 
increasing millions that throng city, town and hamlet, that cul- 
tivate the soil, navigate the rivers, perforate the mountains and 
plow the mighty deep 1 What, compared with the glowing fu- 
ture, when the number of States shall be doubled and their pop- 
ulation and wealth increased to their capacity for sustentation 
and production 1 Taking a still wider range of vision, we see 
our starry ensign visiting every corner of the civilized world, the 
messenger of peace, if possible, but the synonym of victory, if 
despotism or insolence dare assail the eagle, over which it floats. 
Then the whole, grouped into one sketch, possesses a moral pow- 
er that charms the devotees of liberty, everywhere, and extorts 
reluctant respect from the gloomiest despotisms that pollute the 
globe. The pictures of the painter and the statues of the sculp- 
tor win the admiration and excite the sensibilities of those only, 
who can appreciate the truly beautiful in art. But here is some- 



thing that challenges the admiration of universal humanity ; 
it is the Goddess of Liberty, adorned with the Heavenly drapery 
of Christianity. With benignant eye, she invites the nations 
to her altar, and with outstretched arm, she offers " peace on 
earth and good will to men." 

The question springs spontaneously, whence, this magic na- 
tional growth ? Whence, such prosperity, such power, such 
high civilization? The reply is found in the Declaration of In- 
dependence.* It is the result of the principles of liberty an- 
nounced on the 4th of July, 1776, triumphantly vindicated by 
the war of the Hevolution and organized into governmental in- 
stitutions, by our State and Federal Constitutions. 

It would be, both pleasing and appropriate to dwell upon the 
scenes of the Revolution — its trials and sufferings ; its toils and 
sacrifices ; to visit its battle fields — Lexington and Concord ; 
Monmouth and Trenton ; Bunker's Hill and Yorktown — enrich- 
ed with the blood and bones of the mighty dead ; to indulge in 
eulogy of the courage, heroism, fortitude and skill of Washing- 
ton and the illustrious officers who led our forefathers to victory. 
These, none of these, are ever to be forgotten, whilst history 
shall keep its record or liberty find a devotee. Let their re- 
hearsal inspire the lessons of the nursery, animate the patriot, 
and exalt the aims of the Statesman, in the Cabinet, and the 
soldier, in the field. As'Americans, we glory in such a history ; 
as freemen, we are proud of such an ancestry. Such feelings are 
honorable to ourselves, and due, as a debt of gratitude, to those 
who struck the successful blow for Independence. The return 
of this anniversary does (and may it ever) kindle the vestal 
flame of patriotism upon the altar of every heart that loves lib- 
erty. But we honor our forefathers most, by seeking to perpet- 
uate the fruits of their labors, whilst we shall fail of our great 
mission, if we expect to preserve our title to freedom, upon any 
principle of pride of ancestry. It is not enough, that we have 
"Abraham to our father." To partake of the blessings of the 
political covenant of our revolutionary patriarchs, we must emu- 
late their virtues and practice their precepts of political wisdom. 
We must study and understand the principles of government 
Avhich they bequeathed us, that we may maintain them, with a 
fidehty and courage like theirs. 

Hence, I propose to point out, very briefly, the leading cardi- 
nal principles of the Declaration of Independence ; how they 

*The readiug- of the DeclaratioQ was disiJeiised witli, ou accyiiut of the 
thrcatning state of the weather. 



9 

are wronglit into our State and Federal Constitutions, and how 
tbcy promote the growth and prosperity of these United States. 

A careful student of the Declaration cannot fail to discover, 
that four great truths lie at the foundation of its gigantic struc- 
ture, viz : The Equality of the people ; the Sovereignty of the 
people, and, as corrolaries from them, the rigid of suffrage, and 
the right af representation, in the Legislature. "We hold these 
truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." This 
is the announcement of the equality of the people. "That to 
secure these rights (life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,) 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just pow- 
ers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form 
of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right 
of the people to alter or abolish it and institute a new govern- 
jnent, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its 
powers, in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect 
their safety and happiness." This is the announcement of the 
sovereignty of the people. " He has refused to pass other laws, 
for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those 
people would relinquish the right of representation in the legis- 
lature." This is the announcement of the right of representa- 
tion, in the department of government, clothed with the law-ma- 
king power. " He has combined with others to subject us to a 
jurisdiction, foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by 
our laws; giving his assent to acts of pretended legislation," 
(among other things,) " for imposing taxes on us without our con- 
sent." This is the announcement of the right of suffrage. These 
declarations startled the world by their novelty, and kindled the 
wrath of despots, because they weakened the foundations of 
their thrones. But they were discoveries, not inventions. They 
are as old as the existence of the human race. The law of 
gravitation is inherent in the organization of the material uni- 
verse, and it regulated its motions long before Isaac Newton dis- 
covered its existence. As its demonstration imparted beauty and 
method to the whole cycle of physical science, so the vindication 
of these fundamental political propositions, shed a new light upon 
the theory of government, and is destined to redeem the world. 

A critical examination of the catalogue of grievances enumera- 
ted in the Declaration, will show, that each and all. more or less 
directly, involved violations of these principles of popular liber- 
ty. And this is the key that unlocks the philosophy of our 
revolutionary struggle. Our forefathers were not enslaved, in 
fact, by the, mother country. They were freemen ; they felt 



10 
like freemen ; tliey were subjects of the best government, tbat 
bad ever existed, and tbey enjoyed, in considerable measure, the 
blessings of Britisli liberty. During their day and generation, 
tbey migbt have borne the wrongs of wbicb tbey complained. 
For what were tbey, compared witb tbe perils, bardsbips and 
bloodshed of tbe war in wbicb tbey engaged ? But tbe time bad 
arrived, wben tbe issue must be made and met. On tbe one 
band, was tbe doctrine of tbe "Divine right of Kings," upheld 
and sustained by force — tbe bayonets of standing armies, re- 
veling in tbe splendor and pomp of royal patronage. On tbe 
other, were these principles of the Declaration. The one was 
surrounded by all tbe imposing circumstance of kingly power; 
tbe others claimed no consideration from an astonished world, 
except tbe merit of their simple majesty. How momentous tbe 
issue ! Gladly migbt England, bad she been wise, have redress- 
ed tbe enumerated wrongs, but for tbe recognition of tbe princi- 
ples, which inspired tbe complaint with its intensity of utterance ; 
and well might the heroes of '76 have submitted, but for those 
same principles which their ojjpressors despised. But tbey were 
denied on the one band, and fought for on the other. History 
records no contest so unequal and yet so noble — so unequal in 
all the elements of warlike prowess — so pregnant witb tbe mo- 
mentous interests of mankind. What was Great Britain ? The 
mistress of tbe seas, in commerce and arms ; almost unlimited, in 
her territorial dominions, and inexhaustible, in resources. Renown- 
ed for the discipline of her troops and the skill of their leaders, 
she was tbe victor of almost every battlefield, for a decade of 
centuries. Yet tbe Colonies, weak in population, poor in re- 
sources, without an army and witbou't a navy, dared avoAV their 
Independence and staked "their lives, their fortunes, and their 
sacred honor," in the contest. "We witness tbe sublime, in the 
movements of nature — in the march of the tempest, tbe shock of 
the earthquake, the eruption of tbe volcano, tbe heaving of the 
ocean — but tbey are tame, in comparison witb the majesty and 
grandeur of that eventful struggle. 

But in view of the state of political science, at that time, we 
are perhaps, less amazed at tbe event of tbe Declaration, than at 
tbe ability and eloquence, witb which it shadows forth the true 
basis of correct government. The right of tbe strongest to rule 
is the foundation of every form of government, no matter how 
various may have been its modifications, from the most ancient, 
to tbe date of tbe seperation of the Colonies. The Republics 
of Greece rested on a broader basis j and it is not to be denied, 



11 

that political tlieorists have occasionally verged upon the cencep- 
tion of more liberal and rational ideas. But it is nevertheless 
true, that the principle, as stated, has been predominant, how- 
ever sedulously its apologists sought to dignify it by terms, that 
miffht commend it to the ignorant and make it tolerable to the in- 
telligent. As the right to govern belonged to the strongest, so 
his supremacy must be maintained by force. Hence, a standing 
army has always been an inseperable accompaniment — a neces- 
sary institution of tyranny. Although the government of Great 
Britain contained some concessions and modifications, yet, both 
in theory and practice, it claims to rest on the authority of " Di- 
vine right" — the sophism which covers the odiousness of the 
principle. The House of Commons, it is true, is chosen by elec- 
tion ; but it is alloAved, as a matter of favor, by the hereditary 
"powers tliat be," not as a recognition of the supremacy of the 
will of the people. George III, like all his predecessors (and I 
may add, his successors), claimed to be King, by "the grace of 
God," not by the choice of the people ; and by the "grace of 
God," the Lords enjoy a hereditary eligibility to seats in the 
upper House of Parliament. In a word, the government, even 
down to the present time, has never relinquished thi^s doctrine of 
despotism, or acknowledged, by word or deed, that all legitimate 
political power resides in the people. The authors of the Dec- 
laration and their predecessors had been indoctrinated into habits 
of reverence for the political teachings and institutions of the 
mother country. History learned them no other. In addition to 
their allegiance, they were strongly attached to her by a thous- 
and ties of blood, lingual identity and a common Christianity. 
How amazing therefore, the clearness of perception, witli which 
they grasped the true theory of government, despite thoir loyalty 
and the musty disquisitions, in which the sycophantic apologists 
of royalty obscured the truth! The English language furnishes 
no political document, so cogent, in argument, so concise, in nar- 
rative, so lucid, in arrangement, so eloquent, in thought and 
expression, as the Declaration of our Independence. 

The triumphant vindication, by the sword, of the principles of 
the Declaration, rendered the Colonies seperate political com- 
munities, independent of all the powers of the earth, and inde- 
pendent of each other — each clothed with " power to levy war, 
conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do 
all other acts and things, which independent States may, of right, 
do." Hereditary titles to nobility, exclusive privileges and mo- 
nopolies, the union of Church and State, the law of primogen- 



12 

iture, were all swept away. Despotism and monarchy, in all 
their forms, were utterly and forever repudiated. Hence, the dif- 
ficult task was devolved upon the Colonies to organize govern- 
ments upon the basis of the Declaration, in forms "most likely to 
effect their safety and happiness." If possible, this was a more 
important and delicate undertaking, than the revolution itself. 
Failure would have lost them the fruits of their victory ; whilst 
upon their success, was suspended all that is most valuable to a 
people — their social happiness, their advancement in civilization, 
and their secuiity against foreign assault and invasion. 

Having repudiated monarchy, the desideratum Avas to estab- 
lish governments upon the principles of the absolute equality 
and sovereignty of the people. The plan adopted was, at *nce, 
simple and beautiful. They called to their aid the representative 
feature, to avoid the cumbei'someness and anarchical tendencies of 
pure Democracy. They distributed and assigned to appropriatti* 
departments, the three great elements of government — to the 
Legislative, the law-making, to the Judiciary, the law-expound- 
ing, and the Executive, the law-executing power. In their se- 
lection and constitution, the whole people are heard through the 
bollot-box, so that each department reflects their will. Each de- 
partment is separate from and independent of, the others ; each 
is sjDecifically limited and confined to its appropriate sphere ; 
each is prohibited from trenching upon the province of the others ; 
each is an effectual check upon all the rest, so that oppression, in- 
justice and usurpation cannot permanently exist. So long as any 
one of the Departments continues pure and upright, it may cor- 
rect the errors and abuses of the others ; when all shall become 
corrupt, they will be purged by the paramount authority of the 
popular will. Upon these principles, the Colonics organized 
themselves into Republican State governments and adopted 
written Constitutions, accurately defining the poAvers of their sev- 
eral departments. This was all that was required, to enable them 
to effect their domestic happiness, and to advance, in internal 
commerce and prosperity. But they needed a common bond of 
Union, for protection against hostile invasion, and to maintain 
successful relations of friendship Avith foreign powers. Hence", 
the Articles of Confederation of 1778. A very short experience 
however, demonstrated the inefficiency of the gOA-ernment, under 
them, to answer the pixrpose designed. They Avere deficient, not 
that they did not confer ample powers upon Congress, but that 
those poAvers could not be executed, except upon the vote of 
nine of the thirteen States. It was a provision of the Articles 



13 

of Confederation, that " The United States, in Congress assem- 
bled, shall never engage in war, nor grant letters of marque and 
reprisal, in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties nor alliances, 
nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the 
sums and expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the 
United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money 
on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor 
agree upon the number of vessels, to be built or purchased, or 
the number of land or sea defences to be raised, nor appoint a 
Commander-iu-Chief of the Army and Navy, unless nine States 
assent to the same." Under such a restriction, the Confedera- 
tion was wholly incapable of expeditious action, however great 
the emergency ; and four of the thirteen States might defeat any 
measure of Congress, relating to the subjects embraced in this 
Article. The Confederation, in truth, was little more than an 
advisory council. In the language of an able political writer of 
that period, "by this political compact, the United States, in 
Congress assembled, have exclusive power, for the following pur- 
poses, without being able to execute one of them. They may 
make and conclude treaties ; but cg,n only recommend the ob- 
servance of them. They may appoint ambassadors ; but they 
cannot defray even the expense of their tables. They may bor- 
row money, in their own name, on the faith of the Union ; but 
they cannot pay a dollar. They may coin money ; but they 
cannot purchase an ounce of bullion. They may make war and 
determine what number of troops are necessary ; but cannot 
raise a single dollar. In short, tkcy may declare everything, but 
do- nothing." Hence, the supercession of the Confederation was 
a work of necessity. 

In 1787, under the recommendation of Congress, the Conven- 
tion of delegates from all the States, except Rhode Island, 
framed the present Constitution of the United States. 

This was a most perilous undertaking. The equality and 
sovereignty of the people were fundamental ideas. They were 
the darling objects of the revolution. Too careful jealousy of 
them unquestionably caused the failure of the Confederation. 
Hence, the task was to frame a Constitution, which would suffi- 
ciently enlarge the powers of the general government, without 
infringing the equality and sovereignty of the people. The pro- 
blem found a simple solution, by the process of an easy and ra- 
tional generalization. The people of each State were equal ; 
the sovereignty resided in them. Transfer these propositions to 
the several States, in their corporate character, and the difficulty 



14 

is removed — that is to say, the States were equal and sovereign. 
Eacli had " full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract 
alliances, establish commerce and to do all other acts and things, 
which independent Stales may, of right, do." 

On this platform, they met, in Convention. The fact, that 
they convened, in pursuance of a recommendation of the Con- 
gress of the Confederation, does not abate the force of this pro- 
position, in all the fullness of its import. The second Article de- 
clares, " That each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and in- 
dependence, and every power, jurisdiction and right which is not, 
by this Confederation, expressly delegated to the United States, 
in Congress assembled." But even if it were true, that the Con- 
federation destroyed and diminished their equality and sover- 
eignty, still, when they assembled in Convention to frame a new 
Constitution, it was in their primary character, vested severally 
with all their fundamental political powers. The Confederation 
could not limit or restrain their action. They were superior 
to it. 

Having traced the inweaving of the principles of the equality 
and sovereignty of the people, in the formation of the State 
governments, by the aid of the ballot box, representation and 
distribution of powers, it is needless to dwell upon the same fea- 
tures and characteristics of the federal government. It is suffi- 
cient to remark, that it is framed upon the model of the several 
State governments. It is only necessary therefore, to enquire, 
whether, in point of fact, these fundamental principles do run 
through, and are recognised in, the Constitution of the United 
States. 

Is the equality of the people preserved ? Its announcements 
on this point are clear and explicit. It says, (Art. 4, Sec. 2, J 
" The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States." Every citizen is 
eligible to the highest offices of honor and profit, except the of- 
fice of President, which can be held by a native citizen only. 
"No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States. {Art. 
1, Sec. 9.) 

Is the equality of the several States recognised ? We hav e 
seen that they met in Convention in their seperate sovereign ca- 
pacity. All political sovereignties are equal ; therefore they 
were equals, before the formation of the Constitution ; and since 
each made precisely the same delegations of power, they remain 
equals still. "If equals be taken from equals the remainders are 
equal." But, in express terms, the Constitution puts this question 



15 

beyoml contradiction. It declares (Art 4, Sec. 1.) that " Full 
faitli and credit shall be given, in each State, to the public acts, 
records and judicial proceedings of every other State." Each 
State, irrespective of territorial dimensions, is entitled to two 
Senators in Congress. *' No preference shall be given, by any 
regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one State 
over those of another." (Art. 1, Sec. ^.) These and many 
other clauses of the Constitution show, that its framers were jeal- 
ous and watchful of the equality of the States. They determin- 
ed to entrench it with safeguards which Congress could not over- 
look, without criminal blindness or wicked infidelity to their 
great trust. 

Is the sovereignty of the States impaired by the Constitution 1 
They have not parted with any portion of their sovereignty. 
Without intending to be irreverent, political sovereignty, like the 
Omnipotence of the Creator, is incommunicable. It cannot be 
alienated. It is inherent in the people. It is their birthright. 
They did not intend, and they could not, if they had so intended, 
to confer upon the Convention power to surrender their sover- 
eignty. It was of the essence of their liberty, the choicest jew- 
el for which they waged the war of the Eevolution. It is, and 
must be, throughout all time and under all circumstances, the 
foundation of correct government. To part with it is to build 
the superstructure upon quicksand. For the sake of convenience 
and concert ef action, the right to exercise powers appertaining 
to sovereignty may be conferred upon a common agent. This is 
just what the States did. They canstituted the general govern- 
i^ent their agent, invested it with powers and agreed, that they 
would not use those powers themselves, so long as it shall confine 
itself within the scope of its authority. The Constitution is the 
written enumeration of those powers, and a description of the 
manner in which, and the extent to which, they may be exer- 
cised and exerted. It is unquestionably true, for it is so declar- 
ed, "That the Constitution and laws of the United States which 
shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or 
which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, 
shall be the supreme law of the land." (Art. Q.J But this was 
intended, neither to deny the sovereignty of the States nor to in- 
vest it in the United States, but to guard against the great de- 
fect of the Confederation, which was, as we have seen, the ab- 
sence of all power to do anything, without the consent of nine 
of the thirteen States. It other words "the people of the sev- 
eral States, regarded as parties to the constitutional compact, 



16 
have imposed restrictions on tlie exercise of their sovereign pow- 
er, hy entering into solemn obligation to do no act inconsistent 
with its provisions, and to uphold and support it within their re- 
respective limits." To put the question forever at rest and to ex- 
clude any other conclusion, the Constitution declares, " That 
the powers not delegated to the United States, nor prohibited by 
it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the 
people." (Amends, Art. 10.) 

If to these views we add the historical facts, that the dele- 
getes that composed the Convention, represented the several 
States, as separate communities, and not the people of all the 
States collectively ; that, in the decision of all questions, the 
vote was taken by States, and each counted as one vote, that the 
Constitution was ratified by the States, seperately, in their cor- 
porate, not in their united character, and that it was not binding 
on any, until thus ratified by nine, and not at all, upon any that 
might not thus ratify it, then, the doctrine of State equality and 
State sovereignty stands demonstrated with irresistable clear- 
ness. 

It is not intended to assert that, in the formation of the Union, 
the States surrendered nothing. They surrendered everything 
necessary to establish a government, potent for security against 
aggression, from without, and the promotion of the "general wel- 
fare," within; and the States bound themselves to abide its ad- 
ministration, so long as it confines itself within the limitations of 
of its powers. The Convention stated what is emphatically 
true, in their address, on the submission of the Constitution to 
Congress. "It is obviously impracticable, (says the address,) 
in the federal government of these States, to secure all rights of 
independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the interest 
and safety of all. Individuals entering into society, must give 
up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of 
of the sacrifice must depend, as well on situation and circum- 
stance, as on the object to be obtained. It is, at all times, diffi- 
cult to draw, with precision, the line between those rights, which 
must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved; and on 
the present occasion, this difficulty was increased by a difference 
among the States, as to their situation, extent, habits and par- 
ticular interests. In all our deliberations on this subject, we kept 
steadily in our view that which appears to us the greatest inter- 
est of every true American, the consolidation of our Union, in 
which is involved our prosperty, felicity, safety, perhaps our na- 
tional existence. This important consideration seriously and 



17 
deeply Impressecl our minds, led each State, in the Convention, 
to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude, than might oth- 
erwise have been expected. And thus the Constitution which 
we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity and of that mu- 
tual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of our po- 
litical situation rendered indispensable." Hence, they did not 
surrender their sovereignty. They did surrender their seperate 
independence to the extent of the delegated powers. Their in- 
dependence, oixtside of the Union, consisted in the right of each, 
vindicated by the revolution, and acknowledged by the treaty of 
peace, of 1783, to exercise all the powers appertaining to sover- 
eignty, as well those delegated to the general government, as 
those reserved to the States, But experience had demonstrated, 
under the Articles of Confederation, that their common safety 
and welfare, could not be successfully promoted, so long as each 
retained its independent sovereignty, that is, its right to exercise, 
by itself and for itself, those powers which are delegated to the 
general government, as specified in the Constitution. Hence, the 
surrender of a part of i\iQiY seperate independence to the Union; and 
hence, the Union consists, not in the investment of the general 
government with sovereignty, but with such independence as 
constitutes it a 'political poroer, capacitated to maintain itself, as 
such, by the use of the grants specified in the Constitution. But 
it has no original or inherent powers ; they are all derived from 
the States. It is supreme within its constitutional sphere, but, 
by the express consent of the States, not by virtue of sovereign- 
ty. It has no sovereignty ; it is the creature of the States, 
When it acts, it does so, as the agent of the States and they are 
bound by its act, under, and in pursuance of, the Constitution , 
because it is their act, by their agent. 

Such is the form of our system of government. State and fed- 
eral, based upon the fundamental truths of the equality and sov- 
ereignty of the people, nicely balanced and adjusted by the aid 
of the principles of representation, and the division of powers. 
It is the crowning glory of the revolution and the great wonder 
of modern times. For seventy three years, it has operated suc- 
cessfully ; and whatever may be its fate, it will constitute, 
through all future generations, an imperishable monument to the 
wisdom of its authors. Pyramids of stone and marble temples 
will crumble to dust, but it will survive, 

"As some tall cliff that lifts its awful form, 

Swells from the vale and midway leaves the storm ; 

Though round its breast the rolling clouds are spread, 

Eternal sunshine settles on its head." 



18 

The growth of the United States, iu Avealth, population and 
power, under the operation of this government, is unexampled 
in the history of the world. In everything that adorns and dig- 
nifies society ; in everything that elevates and ennobles humani- 
ity, we have attained a height, scarcely ever reached by any 
former nation. That which, in other times, has been the work 
of ages, has been accomplished here, in three-fourths of a cen- 
tury ; and it is all the legitimate result of the principles to 
which it gives activity and supremacy. How 1 By the freedom 
of mind, labour and capital. Mind, Labour, Capital; these are 
the great instruments of human progress. Impart to them mo- 
tion, in the right direction, and set before them the rewards 
which stimulate human energy, and society must go forward, 
with a necessity, as inevitable, as the revolution of the planets, 
to a destiny as illustrious and sublime as the noonday splendour 
of millennial glory. This is the wonderful achievement of our 
political system. It leaves each individual to the utmost liberty, 
compatible with the welfare of all. It gives unlimited scope to 
mind, in the domain of art and universal nature, to labour, in 
every department of busy enterprise and to capital, in every 
channel of diversified employment. 

Ambition and the desire for acquisition are perhaps the strong- 
est passions of the human heart ; and they are legitimate, so long 
as they are subordinate to virtuous ends. They lead to the high- 
est developement of character and the most vigorous exercise 
of energy. Our political system oflfers to both the richest re- 
wards. What can be more stimulating than the doctrine of the 
equality of the people, and the consequent eligibility of every 
man to the most elevated offices of honor and profit ? How 
many and striking are the examples, in this country, of attain- 
ment to the highest positions, the achievement of enduring fame, 
and the accumulation of immense wealth by those who have 
sprung from the walks of obscurity 1 Examine our catalogue of 
illustrious men — of the dead and the living — and you find en- 
rolled the names of those who have carved their destiny, unaid- 
ed by the adventitious circumstances of birth and patronage. 
Ask philosophy and art, who have been their most enthusiastic 
and successful votaries ? Ask, who, by the power of eloquence, 
have swayed most effectually the entranced multitude, delibera- 
tive assemblies and religious congregations? You will learn, 
that they have been men of humble origin, animated by a power- 
ful ambition and nerved by the necessity which poverty im- 
poses. Let the despotisms of the old world fetter the freeboru 
intellect, prescribe rules for conscience, in politics and religion. 



19 

repress the elasticity of struggling genius, levy contribution 
upon capitcal and labour to sustain the luxury and corruption of 
hereditary rank, employ standing armies to awe into submission, 
the toiling millions ; but here, in the land of Washington, vir- 
virtuous merit is the passport to distinction — the only recognised 
patent of nobility. 

" Honor and fame from no condition rise ; 
Act well your ytart— there all the honor lies." 
The preservation of our government is the most solemn trust 
ever devolved upon any people. Despotism, in every form, is 
easily maintained. It rests upon force, and it may be perpetua- 
ted by force, so long as it can wring from downtrodden labour, the 
means of rewarding its mercenaries. Its vital principle is the 
will of the ruler. That, according to the doctrine of Kings, 
knows no end, but the interminable line of hereditary descent, no 
Imitation of power, but that of lawless discretion, no check upon 
passion, but the gratification of its insatiable cupidity. Nothing 
can close its career, but the upheaving of the degraded masses, 
in the resistless energy of their desperation ; and then the result 
of the struggle, at best, is nothing but a change of masters. 
What better account than this, does history give of the govern- 
ments of Europe, for more than a thousand years 1 Its pages 
teem with the recital of war and carnage which sends back the 
blood, in freezing currents, to the heart : of the overthrow of dy- 
nasties and empires, in measured succession, like the changing 
pictures of the diorama. But what does it all signify ? What 
has it accomplished for human liberty ? Without intervening 
day, night has followed night, each more starless than the 
preceding. Such, we have shown, was not the fruit of our 
revolution. When the tempest was over, the sky was serene and 
pure ; when the night retired, it gave place to the dawning sun of 
liberty ; when our forefathers shook oflp the yoke of the mother 
country, as the lion the dew from his mane, they erected the fair- 
est fabric of government ever conceived by human wisdom or 
reared by human skill ; a government that exalts and dignifies 
those who live under it, and exerts, by the potency of silent ex- 
ample, a benign influence upon every clime that is visited bv 
the light of civilization and Christianity. Years have flown by 
and borne our fathers to their eternal rewards. Washington and 
Adams, Jefferson and Madison, with their illustrious compeers, all 
are gone. The revered men of the battle lines, whose names find 
no place, in the thrilling history of their deeds, have passed 
away. We remember how they toiled through the gloomy 



20 
watches of tliat night of the revolution ; how they endured hard- 
ship and privation and death. Theirs was the day of trial ; ours 
is the day of prosperity, in fruition of the blessings which they 
purchased, at the price of their flowing blood. How shall we 
preserve and transmit them to future generations'? How shall we 
redeem our obligations to those who will succeed us 1 How shall 
we fulfill the expectations of the gazing nations, who rest in the 
"valley of the shadow of death," and turn their longing eyes to 
this last star of hope, that glitters in the political firmament ? 
The responsibility is upon ns, in all the emphasis of its unspeak- 
able solemnity. We must meet it with courage and fidelity. 

The nature of our government, and the fundamental truths on 
which it is founded, point out the only means by Avhich it can be 
preserved. 

From the view we have taken, we learn that it is a government 
of limited powers, clearly defined in the Constitution. Hence, a 
strict construction of that instrument, by those entrusted with the 
administration of its several departments, is of vital importance. 
In no other way, can the reserved rights of the States be main- 
tained. In no other way, can the federal, avoid infringing the 
powers of the State governments. Usurpation must lead to dis- 
satisfaction and discord between the States, and, if persisted in, 
to dissolution. On this point, it is impossible to be too sensitive 
and vigilant, in detecting, or too prompt and resolute, in checking 
aggression. Let the people see to it, that their agents do not 
claim to be their masters. 

Again : we have seen that our government, in its genius and 
spirit, is popular — founded upon the principles of the equality 
and sovereignty of the people — the siipremacy of their will. Its 
vital element is the maxim, that "man is capable of self-govern- 
ment." Hence, every citizen, however humble, sustains the most 
intimate and important relation to every department of the distri- 
bution of its powers. The judiciary, the legislative and execu- 
tive, are but reflections of the people's will and the agencies 
through which it is executed. In monarchies and despotisms, the 
supreme power resides in the throne ; the people have but to 
obey. Here, the reverse is true. The people rule, and it is for 
public functionaries to obey their behests. How important 
therefore that they be intelligent and virtuous ! 

Glance for a moment, at some of the most common duties and 
responsibilities which devolve upon every citizen. 

The right of suffrage stands first in importance; for it is by the 
ballot-box that all the momentous measures of State policy are 



. 21 

determined. For the -settlement of the gravest questions of con- 
stitutional construction, it is the last peaceable resort. Look at 
the tremendous issues which have agitated and still agitate the 
public mind — a tariff for protection, internal improvements, a na- 
tional bank, our foreign intercourse, the rights of the States, in 
their relation to the federal government, the disposition of the 
public territories, the institution of domestic slavery, with otbers 
of less magnitude. How are they to be settled 1 By tlie people, 
at the ballot-box. How solemn then is the duty of suffrage ! It 
connects each citizen with the entire machinery of government. 
Each vote tells upon the result, and may determine the fate of 
the Eepublic. For a time, the people may follow their leaders, 
and vote according to their dictates, without disaster ; but ulti- 
mate wreck to the ship of state is inevitable, unless they be 
sufficiently enlightened to comprehend, at least, the leading prin- 
ciples of the constitution, and to form their own opinions upon 
the vital questions which they are called to decide. Intelligence, 
to discern the wiles of tbe mere partisan, and virtue, to resist the 
seductions of the designing demagogue, cannot be dispensed with, 
except at the sacrifice of our dearly bought freedom. 

The conservation of the public morals and social order, and 
the protection of life, property and reputation, is the highest aim 
of government, without which, liberty itself is but "sounding 
brass and a tinkling cymbal." For this purpose, the enactment 
of wholesome laws is nothing, without their fii-m, faithful and 
just execution. Hence, the value of an enlightened and consci- 
entious judiciary. It is the grand balance wheel of our political 
system — the regulator of its operations, the harmonizer of its 
discords, the arbiter of its disputes, the refuge of safety for the 
oppressed, the wronged and persecuted. Of this department, 
every citizen forms a part, and participates in the administration 
of justice; and thus the jury-box is as important a feature of our 
political system as the ballot-box. "Who paeses upon the criminal, 
charged with the violation of public law 1 Who sits in judgment 
upon your life, your property, and your reputation ? "Who vindi- 
cates yor rights when assailed by the wicked and the lawless ? It 
is a jury of twelve men, taken indiscriminately from the ranks of 
society ; and shall they not be enlightened and honest 1 If, from 
their deficiency in these qualities, you have no hope of redress 
when your rights are invaded and society no guaranty of public 
morals, and no security against the violent and vicious, trial by 
-"wager of battle" will soon take the place of "trial by jury," 
and wild anarchy, smilisag upon the ruins ©f our judicial tribunals, 



22 

substitute its bloody reign, for tlie blessings of regulated liberty. 
But, fellow-citizens, your wearied patitnce admonishes me bring 
my remarks to a close. 

We have pointed out the great principles of popular liberty for 
which our forefathers drew the sword and shed their blood. We 
have considered how these principles are wrought into the fabric 
of government which they established. We have indulged in 
pleasing reflections upon the happiness and prosperity which we 
enjoy under its benignant operation ; and we have learned, that 
it can be preserved only by a strict construction of its powers, and 
the prevalence of intelligence and virtue among the people. Let 
tis then, rise to a proper apprehension of our duties and responsibil- 
ities. Let us appreciate the great trust confided to us, for our 
posterity and the world. Let us insist, that all who take part in 
its administration, shall keep within the bounds of the constitu- 
tion. Let us say to headlong fanaticism, "thus far shalt thou go 
and no further." Let us discountenance sectional strife and culti- 
vate the spirit of political fraternity. Let us promote education 
and morality among the people, by the encouragement of institu- 
tions of learning, and the diffusion of pure Christianity. Thus 
we may anticipate a bright and prosperous future, and transmit 
our republic unimpaired to the latest generation. 



LIST OF OFFICERS 

Of the VOLUiNTEER COMPANIES IN CaMP, AT MiLLEDGEVILLE, 

July 4th, 1857. 

Cadets — Georgia Military Institute. — Col. A. V. Brumby, Su- 
perintendant ; Maj. McConuell, Commandant of the Corps. 
Company A, Capt. John Milledge ; 1st Lieut. J. C. Watters. 
Company B, Capt. Geo. W. Thomas; 1st Lieut. W. H. Smith. 
Company C, Capt. W. L. Sykes ; 1st Lieut. J. G. Blount. 
Company D, Capt. Geo. W. Lamar; 1st Lieut. G. "W. McDade. 

Liberty Independent Troup — Liberty County. — Capt. T. W. 
Fleming ; 2d Lieut. W. G. Thomas, acting 1st Lieut. ; 3d Cor- 
net, W. L. Walter, acting 2d Lieut. ; 1st Sergt. B. S. Scriven, 
acting Cornet. 

Irish Jasper Greens — Savanna7i. — Capt. John McMahon ; 1st 
Lieut. John Foley ; 2d Lieut. J. B. Foley ; Ensign, Murphey. 

Savannah Volunteer GuARDS.—Capt. J. P. Scriven ; Ensign, 
W. S. Basinger, acting 1st Lieut.; 1st Sergt. W. L. Houpt, act- 
ing 2d Lieut. ; 2d Sergt. G. W. Stiles, acting 3d Lieut. 

Columbus Guards. — Capt. P. J. Semmcs ; 2d Lieut. W. C. 
Hodges, acting 1st Lieut.; 3d Lieut. "W. G. Clemmons, acting 
2d Lieut. 

Macon Volunteers. — Capt. R. A. Smith ; 1st Lieut. A. G. 
Butts ; 2d Lieut. J. Knight ; 3d Lieut. B. M. Polhill : Ensign, 
R. J. Wood. 

Oglethorpe Infantry — Augv.sta. — 1st Lieut. Jas. 0. Clarke, 
commanding; 1st Sergt. H. B. Adams, acting 1st Lieut. ; 2nd 
Sergt. J. T. Miller, acting 2d Lieut. ; 3d Sergt. J. N. Andrews, 
acting 3d Lieut. 

City Light Guards — Columbus. — Capt. P. H. Colquitt; 1st 
Lieut. J. Hamilton; 2d Lieut. Wm. Turner; 3d Lieut. D. C. 
Jackson ; 4th Lieut. W. A. King. 

Republican Blues — Savannah. — Capt. J. W. Anderson; 1st 
Lieut. W. H. Davis; 2d Lieut. J. R.Johnson; Ensign, John 
Oliver. 



24 
Oglethorpe- Light Infantry. — Savannah. — Capt. F. S. Bar- 
tow ; ist Lieut. W. B. Jackson ; 2d Lieut. J. Godfrey > Ensign,. 

C. Way. . , ' 

Baldwin Blues — MUledgeville. — Capt, W. S. Rockv>'ell ; 1st 
Lieut. E.J.White; 2d Lieut. G. P. Doles j 3d Lieut. L. W.. 
Wall ; Ensign, Joli» Haas. 

Elovd Rifles — Macon. — Capt. Thos. Ha^rdeman; 1st Lieut. 

Ross ; 2d Lieut. H. L. Ellis ; 3d Lieut. S. B. Day. 
Putnam Rifles — Eatonton. — Capt. J. R. Branliam; 1st. Lieut. 

R. B. Nisbet; 3d Lieut. A. F, Griggs, acting 2d Lieut.; Ensign, 

B. F. Mosely, acting 3d Lieut. ; 1st. Scrgt. R. T. Davis, acting 

Ensign. 

United Rifles — Columbus. — Capt. F. G Wilkins, Ist Lieut. 

E. H. Musgrove, 2d Lt. L. B. Duck, 3d Lt. F. M. Brooks, 

4th Lt. G. W. Spellraan. 
Clinch Rifles. — Augusta. — Capt. C. A. Piatt. 1st Lieut, J. 

D. Butt, 2d Lieut. J. G. Marshall, 3d Lieut. D. R. Ansley. 
Washington Artillery. — Augusta. — Capt. D. Kirkpatrick^ 

2d Lieut. G. D. Barnes, 3d Lieut, J. J. Jacobus. 



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